In 44 years of Wall Street experience and study I have never seen
dependable calculations made about common stock values, or related
investment policies, that went beyond simple arithmetic or the
most elementary algebra. Whenever [calculus] is brought in, or
higher algebra, you could take it as a warning signal that the
operator was trying to substitute theory for experience, and usually
also to give speculation the deceptive guise of investment.
Benjamin Graham
The New Speculation in Common Stocks
The Analysts Journal (1958)
Genius Fails – Again
The $US63.4 billion (according to the assets tallied in its most
recent quarterly report) disintegration of Enron Corp., the erstwhile
energy distribution and latter energy trading and “market making”
concern, is the largest in American history. At its peak and at
current rates of exchange, the Houston-based behemoth’s revenues
($US100 billion) were a quarter of the size of the entire Australian
economy. Once America’s seventh biggest company, the U.S. Congress,
Department of Justice, Financial Accounting Standards Board and
others are investigating (or contemplating investigations of) various
aspects of its collapse.
In addition to its sheer magnitude, Enron’s demise is in two respects
startling (alas, it comes as no surprise that only weeks before
its failure became public 16 of the 17 ‘analysts’ who followed the
company recommended it to their firms’ clients). First, it was held
in far higher esteem than the other massive failed enterprises of
the past couple of decades. Indeed, for the past six years Enron
was voted by Fortune’s readers as the most innovative company
in America; its peers regarded its managers and ways of doing things
as first class; and management gurus, financial journalists and
others hailed it as one of the up-and-coming great companies of
the 21st century. Second, Enron’s failure is harming (and in some
instances devastating) far more than the usual number of stockholders,
employees/pensioners and creditors. Enron’s failure thus poses disturbing
questions. If such a universally admired and seemingly well-managed
company can go to the wall, then is any company truly safe? And
if a company affecting so many people can fold, then can anybody
reasonably expect to escape the consequences of a corporate collapse?

Some Recurrent Debates
The Enron disaster refuels several debates whose reverberations
extend to Australia. (An excellent overview of its causes and possible
consequences, “What’s Been Learned From the Enron Saga? At
the Very Least, These Six Crucial Lessons” by Jeanne Cummings et al., appeared in The Wall Street Journal on 15
January).
One question is whether, to what extent and in what form the accounting
profession requires clearer and tougher rules. On the one hand,
the larger the corporation the more likely it is to engage a Big
Five accounting firm to audit its books; further, corporate disintegration
and capitalism’s creative destruction are closely-related phenomena;
accordingly, and for a variety of reasons, over time a small number
of a Big Five firm’s audit clients will become bankrupt. Yet Enron’s
implosion is the latest in a series of incidents since the late
1990s in which global auditing firms approved practises and transactions
that, aided by the luxury of 20-20 hindsight, were arguable. Considered
as a group, these decisions tended to attenuate the audited company’s
liabilities and exaggerate its assets and earnings. In so doing
they presented a rosy view of the company’s financial condition – until it suddenly staggered and fell under the load of what were
revealed to be meagre profits (or huge losses) and massive debts.
Prominent accountants and firms are quite well unaware of these
developments, and aver that changes are necessary in order to combat
them. In their view, certain current rules are so ambiguous that
they invite incomplete, arbitrary, obfuscatory – and, in the wrong
hands, manipulative – measurement of revenues and earnings, declaration
of liabilities and contingent liabilities (particularly derivatives)
and valuation of assets (particularly intangibles).
Enron’s collapse draws belated attention to two possible causes
of these developments. Many contemporary corporations, corporate
transactions – and hence much of today’s corporate accounting – are forbiddingly complex. What were never simple but usually tractable
and objective concepts are now often hopelessly convoluted and subjective.
At the same time, companies (particularly in America) have sought
more and more to disclose less and less about their operations.
These trends’ combined effect has rendered the transactions and
accounts of an increasing number of companies confusing and in some
instances (Enron comes to mind) impenetrable. If it is reasonable
to infer that this complexity and obscurity will perplex investors,
analysts and executives, then it is equally plausible that occasionally
it will defeat the best efforts of even the most talented and diligent
auditors. The bottom line, then, is that the determination of some
companies’ bottom lines is less and less a matter of calculation
according to clear rules, and more and more a matter of educated
guesswork and subjective interpretation.
Enron’s fall has returned another debate to the fore: some market
participants (including a former chairman of the U.S. Securities
and Exchange Commission) contend that complex accounts and large-scale
accounting lapses are symptoms of a more fundamental and insidious
problem. Accounting firms, particularly large firms, often earn
at least as much from IT consulting, management consulting and other
non-audit services to auditing clients as they do from actual auditing.
This, according to critics of the practice, creates a conflict of
interest: firms have an incentive to acquire, maintain and extend
lucrative consulting projects; further, given this incentive they
may tend to succumb to an audited company’s interpretation of revenues,
assets and the like, or otherwise interpret rules in a manner acceptable
to the audited company.

Lessons for Investors
Much of the description and analysis of Enron’s fall from grace
has sought retrospectively to identify, blame and denigrate those
deemed responsible for its collapse. Thinking prospectively, what
lessons might market participants (re)learn from this episode? Richard
Lambert’s article (A Ship of Fools, The Financial Times 15-16
December 2001) offers several suggestions. Among the most important:
If You Don’t Understand What a Company Does, Then Don’t Buy
Its Securities
The “Who We Are” section of Enron’s
website, whose purpose is presumably to describe the company’s
activities clearly, begins “Enron’s business is to create value
and opportunity for your business. We do this by combining our financial
resources, access to physical commodities, and market knowledge
to create innovative solutions to challenging industrial problems.
We are best known for our natural gas and electricity products,
but today we also offer retail energy and bandwidth products. These
products give customers the flexibility they need to compete today.”
This passage, precisely because it is so opaque, speaks volumes
about Enron. It is CorporateSpeak, a commercial variant of the writing
that George Orwell excoriated in Politics
and the English Language – and which, particularly the
section entitled “Meaningless Words,” is a must-read for
those who peruse company reports, press releases and web sites.
If
a Company Makes a Virtue of Its Inscrutability, and Emphasises Its
Intelligence Rather Than Its Frugality and the Amount of Cash It
Puts into Its Shareholders’ Pockets, Then Don’t Buy Its Securities
Enron’s “Who We Are” web page continues: “it’s
difficult to define Enron in a sentence, but the closest we come
is this: we make commodity markets so that we can deliver physical
commodities to our customers at a predictable price. It’s difficult,
too, to talk about Enron without using the word ‘innovative.’ Most
of the things we do have never been done before.... We initiated
the wholesale natural gas and electricity markets in the United
States, and we are helping to build similar markets in Europe and
elsewhere. Every day we strive to make markets in other industries
that need a more efficient way to deliver commodities and manage
risk, such as metals, forest products, bandwidth capacity and steel.
Our passion has enabled us to manage weather risk....”
As you read Orwell’s article, focus your attention upon the section
headed “Pretentious Diction.” Peter Lynch’s Principle
#3, “never invest in any idea you can’t illustrate with a crayon,”
is also apposite (Beating the Street, ppbk. ed., Fireside
Books, 1994, ISBN: 0671891634).
Read the Company’s Financial Statements: The Longer and More
Boring the Fine Print, the More Careful You Should Be
In recent
years Enron’s reported profits seemed to grow impressively. Its
ability to generate cash, however, was much less apparent. Further,
the notes to last year’s accounts stated that the company would
quickly encounter trouble if ratings agencies rescinded the investment-grade
status of its long-term debt. Agencies, alas, did exactly this late
in 2001; and within days the company faced receivership. Conduct Reality Checks At the beginning of 2001, Enron stock
sold at a multiple of more than 60 times its 2000 earnings. In sharp
contrast, at that time the stocks of other enterprises that also
relied heavily upon trading activities (such as investment banks)
generally sold for less than one-third of this nose-bleed multiple.

Enron and LTCM
Richard Lambert also states that market participants should regard
warily enterprises that stake their survival upon technologically
advanced and unproven ways of doing business. So too, and in much
more morbid detail, does Roger Lowenstein (When Genius Failed:
The Rise and Fall of Long-Term Capital Management, ppbk. ed.,
Random House, 2001; ISBN: 0375758259). Not many years ago, Enron
was a humble gas distribution company; and until the 1980s the trading
of bonds and the management of hedge funds tended to be dull and
conservative endeavours. Technology (mathematical finance, masses
of electronic data and ever more powerful computers), mountains
of credit not backed by savings (a product of lax monetary policy)
and a new state of mind (which venerated new technologies, oblique
communications and complicated operations, denigrated hitherto-venerable
ways of thinking and doing and downplayed the risks which inhere
in leverage) did not just transform each industry’s means: they
also revolutionised their ends. Whether they constituted necessary
conditions for profitable business transactions is an entirely different
matter.
Long Term Capital Management, then, was a sign of its exuberant
times: it raised far more capital and utilised vastly more leverage
than its predecessors; it armed itself with its principals’ theories
and models (as well as the conviction that they were virtually infallible);
it disdained others and aimed to earn much greater returns than
had been hitherto thought possible. Further, it traded not just
government bonds but also corporate paper, securitised mortgages
and some equities, and conducted risk arbitrage on a large scale.
At its apex, LTCM’s models and the genius of its principals were
implicitly deemed applicable to virtually any class of security.
Similarly, Enron saw itself in confident (and, at its zenith, missionary)
terms. It would create all kinds of markets and deliver all kinds
of commodities, physical and financial, to all kinds of customers.
Electricity, coal, metals, forest products, steel, bandwidth capacity
and weather derivatives: here too, the sky was the limit (indeed,
nary a year ago its CEO stated that “there is a very reasonable
chance that we will become the biggest corporation in the world”).
Two Still-Unlearnt Lessons
In retrospect, what no one (perhaps least of all these companies’
senior executives) seemed to realise was the scale of the risk that
inhered in these activities. It is widely and uncritically alleged
that greater risk begets larger returns. But in 2000, Enron’s return
on capital employed was less than 10% – and it now appears that
this figure has been greatly overstated; similarly, Lowenstein reports
that even during its best years LTCM’s return on assets was no more
than 1-2%. (Its astronomical leverage delivered its eye-popping
returns on equity). These organisations’ leaders would have achieved
much better results if they had simply left the cash in the bank.
Lambert asks “was Enron’s failure the result of hubris, incompetence
or worse? Did it stem from faulty execution of a basically sound
business plan, or was the whole model flawed?” The crux of
his answer also applies to LTCM: “the company appears to have
built its own doomsday machine. It created a financing structure
that was critically dependent on [favourable treatment from bankers]
and then [maintained itself] through off-balance sheet [manoeuvres....
While things worked well, the results were impressive. But as a
highly leveraged market maker..., Enron could survive only on
the goodwill and trust of its financiers, customers and shareholders.
When it turned out that those qualities had been betrayed, the company
was lost.”
This diagnosis makes sense. Yet Lambert, it seems to me, does not
extend it deeply enough. Enron’s rise and fall yields two more fundamental
lessons for investors. The first questions the conventional wisdom
about the proper subject matter of an investor’s training. Most
people think that investment is an arcane, technical and forbiddingly
difficult endeavour whose successful pursuit requires a post-graduate
qualification and proficiency with higher-level mathematics. Peter
Lynch, perhaps the most successful funds manager of the 1970s and
1980s, disagrees: whilst hardly an easy undertaking, “as I
look back on it now, it’s obvious that studying history and philosophy
was much better preparation for the stock market than, say, studying
statistics. Investing in stocks is an art, not a science, and people
who’ve been trained to rigidly quantify everything have a big disadvantage
.... All the math you need in the stock market ... you get
in the fourth grade” (One Up on Wall Street, Simon &
Schuster ppbk. ed., 2000, ISBN: 0743200403). The second lesson questions
the amount of innate intelligence (as opposed to developed diligence
and character) required in order to invest successfully. According
to Mr Buffett, “you don’t need a rocket scientist. Investing
is not a game where the guy with the 160 IQ beats the guy with 130
IQ” (Fortune 1990 Investor’s Guide).
The demise of Enron thus shows that, as it is currently understood,
‘genius’ (i.e., the veneration of arcane theory, convoluted logic,
elaborate structures and transactions, pretentious diction and cheap
credit; and the denigration of traditional probity, frugality and
common sense) has failed. Yet again. What is perhaps most unsettling
is that these bastardised characteristics of genius raise no eyebrows
(let alone protests) within many business schools and among many
businessmen in America, Australia and elsewhere. Mozart’s demonstration
that genius and simplicity are near-synonyms finds few contemporary
adherents.
In Alan Abelson’s words (Up & Down Wall Street, Barron’s,
28 January), “under [simple] capitalism, you have two cows.
You sell one and buy a bull. Your herd multiplies; you sell out,
invest the money and retire on the income. With Enron, you have
two cows. You borrow 80% of the forward value of the two cows from
your bank, then buy another cow with 5% down and the rest financed
by the seller on a note, bearing interest at twice the prime, callable
if the market cap of your publicly listed company, whose stock you’ve
put up as collateral, goes below $20 billion. You sell the three
cows to your publicly listed company, using letters of credit opened
by your brother-in-law at a second bank, then execute a debt/equity
swap with an associated unit, so that you get four cows back, plus
a tax exemption for five cows.... The milk rights of six cows
are transferred via an intermediary to a Cayman Islands firm secretly
owned by the majority shareholder, who sells the rights to seven
cows back to your listed company. The annual report trumpets that
the company owns eight cows, with an option on one more. All of
the above transactions are cheerfully blessed by your independent
auditors, who, of course, served as consultants on said transactions,
but only after the fact.”
Given these gilded attitudes and practices, a final disturbing
question presents itself: how many other ‘geniuses’ remain undetected?
Where, in other words, is The Next Enron?
Chris
Leithner
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